The title of this volume is somewhat misleading. Though the author begins his argument with a cursory account of medieval Islamic thought and of dialectical theology or kaläm, his subsequent exposition of the way three medieval thinkers adapted the basic features of kaläm tenets to their own arguments on behalf of God's existence is far less detailed or nuanced than his investigation of the shortcomings in nineteenth and twentieth century Western materialist explanations of the universe grounded in modern mathematics and (...) physics. Similarly misleading are the titles of the two appendices, for these are really detailed critiques of two bodies of literature the author repudiates lest his contention that "the universe had a beginning because an actual infinite cannot be formed by successive addition" be infirmed. Kaläm receives such a prominent billing here only because that contention and the reasoning behind it defended throughout this volume can be derived from the writings of certain authors associated with the movement. In other words, this book is less a scholarly investigation of kaläm doctrines than an attempt to identify a general set of arguments purporting to prove God's existence embraced by some of those who are traditionally called mutakallimün or dialectical theologians and to defend the soundness of those arguments against the skepticism of modern science. (shrink)

This book is a eulogy of Sir Francis Bacon and of his ostensible prophetic insight into the nature of knowledge; it attempts to reinstate him in a position of relevance to contemporary times. Bacon is cast as an innovator in the history of ideas for having espoused experiment and inductive knowledge rather than "scholastic system building." The booklet, however, evokes the uneasy feeling that, according to the author, almost any significant thinker of the past would be just as relevant in (...) facing the "modern dilemma." The reader searches in vain for an explanation of why Bacon ignored the possibility of a mathematically-based philosophy-something, being of no little significance to the development of modern science, that Eiseley needs to consider if his contention is to be persuasive.—C. E. B. (shrink)

The essays presented in this volume are concerned with the history of Greek and Islamic philosophy; the history of doctrines, terminology, and movements in Islamic theology; and the way different Muslim thinkers attempted to explain human ethical problems as well as the nature of divine existence by means of rational discourse. In other words, the term Islamic philosophical theology used in the title of this volume does not announce a new field of intellectual pursuit, but serves merely to indicate succinctly (...) the contents of the work. Most of the eleven essays gathered together here were originally presented at two conferences held at Harvard and Columbia in 1971; discerning a plausible common theme among these papers, Parviz Morewedge commissioned others and arranged the collection under three descriptive headings. With two or three exceptions, each contribution draws attention to important new information or suggests a novel and provocative way of viewing familiar material. An excellent index more than compensates for the numerous typographical errors which seem to have eluded the editor and his assistants. (shrink)

Arguing that Sartre's social philosophy is both heuristic and normative, Greene's book represents a major contribution to the study of Sartre. He desires to eschew any evaluative judgments on Sartre's work and to concentrate on how to unravel the social philosophy of Sartre. But herein lies the major shortcoming: although warning the reader to be wary when interpreting Sartre's fiction and insisting that the major source of Sartre's doctrine is to be found in Being and Nothingness, Greene neither indicates how (...) to interpret Sartre's fiction, nor satisfactorily explicates Sartre's major work. The basic themes of Greene's exposition are that: Sartre is only concerned with the intellectual environment of the twentieth century; Sartre criticizes liberalism, Marxism and Catholicism in order to describe social reality and to define the proper relationship between the individual and society; Sartre has an ethics.—C. E. B. (shrink)

By reference to Lucretius's contemporaries and predecessors, especially Epicurus, Winspear attempts to show the originality of Lucretius. He allows Lucretius to speak for himself and makes many references to the apparent closeness of Lucretius's doctrines to modern thought. The book is challenging and provocative.—C. E. B.

Constantly aware of the mutual limits of philosophy and religion, Montagnes examines the development of St. Thomas' thought concerning the analogy of being and the conformity of his thought to that doctrine of Cajetan largely accepted by Thomists. He argues convincingly that Cajetan's thought differs importantly from that of Aquinas with regard to the source of the analogy.--C. E. B.

Rousseau considered the Émile to be the most important of all his writings and thought it would be the one to seal his reputation as a thinker. It is not that the Émile is different in any fundamental respect from his other writings, for Rousseau insisted that however the subject might vary he always wrote according to the same principles. No, it is simply that Rousseau develops his basic argument more clearly and at greater length in this, his last substantive (...) work explicitly intended for the public. As Rousseau would have it, this work shows most clearly that man is good by nature, that he is naturally attracted to justice as well as order, that both vice and error are foreign to his original make-up, that they arose only because of society, and that the ills from which man now suffers because of the poor organization of society can be mitigated. These and many other intriguing lines of thought are developed in the Émile as Rousseau pursues his declared goal of explaining how to raise a youth according to nature. Yet until now the subtlety, not to mention the simple formal structure, of Rousseau’s treatise has not been accessible to the English-reading public. With this new translation of the Émile, Allan Bloom has made it possible for those who read only English to encounter Rousseau on his own terms. (shrink)

The main thrust of this book, novel and yet convincing, is that medieval philosophy cannot be studied without noting the importance its participants paid to political matters. The selections are mostly whole sections of different works, thus enabling the reader to form his own judgments without fear that he is reading the philosophical interpretations of the editors. Writings of al-Fârâbî, Avicenna, Averroes, Maimonides, Abravenel, Aquinas, Roger Bacon and Dante are among the twenty-five entries.--C. E. B.

The metaphysics of Avicenna is subjected to an analytical, historical and comparative method of study. The analysis is only a summary of selected doctrines of Avicenna; no argument for the various interpretations is discernible. The historical and comparative parts suffer from a dependence on general studies. The result is a superficial account of Avicenna's metaphysics.--C. E. B.

These twenty-six essays were first presented at the Fifth Conference of the New York University Institute of Philosophy. They were presented by both philosophers and historians. The first nine essays are divided into three sections dealing with the relation of philosophy and history, relativism and the historian's task, and the problem of science and history. Two articles are of special interest: Paul Weiss's caustic aphorisms and Ernest Nagel's analytic discussion of relativism.—C. E. B.

These essays and critical reviews develop diverse themes in the context of discussing the philosophy of art. Two presuppositions dominate: 1) philosophy and art represent the highest peak of human culture, 2) Italian aesthetics has a decidedly philosophic foundation. One looks in vain for a defense or elaboration of these crucial assumptions.--C. E. B.

A collection of essays aiming to present a historical study of the problematics of a philosophy of science. Relying upon a questionable understanding of Kant and his effect on later thought, the author exhausts his subject more by flank action than by direct, sharp attack. Each thinker is treated separately. Conclusions, he asserts, can be found as a chain of thought from article to article; but that chain resists detection. --C. E. B.

The author considers the conditions which render possible communication and signifying. Acknowledging that most of the literature now published deals with Anglo-Saxon and Germanic studies, he hopes to effect an application to the Italian language and way of thinking. His arguments are difficult to appreciate because they begin from too broad a base of assumptions. Although having emphasized a desire to strengthen the case for "common sense," he seems brutally to neglect that ideal. Rossi-Landi assumes that all language is construction (...) and accepts as an immediate corollary that thought is another construction. From this basis he pursues faithfully a value-free, historicist-oriented explanation of language which is marred by reasoning that abounds in non-sequitur. No one will deny the interest of the original problem, nor its relevance to the question of philosophy; it is to be regretted that more careful arguments have not been offered.--C. E. B. (shrink)

Rescher's introduction combines interesting and salient material on the sources of this work and the study of logic in al-Fârâbî's time. The translation has marginal page and line references to the Arabic text.--C. E. B.

This interesting selection of Burke's writings and speeches is marred by two editorial flaws. Stanlis never indicates the sources of the selections. This failure is compounded by the fact that, contrary to his asserted purpose, he has omitted relevant material on almost every page.--C. E. B.